There's never been a successful third-party political culture take hold in this country without one really big issue to drive it.

美国就从没有过,第三政党真正成功执政的时候,因为缺乏一个真正重大的议题来支持它

耶鲁公开课 - 美国内战与重建课程节选

So this was a highly charged political environment. Far more volatile than for example the kind of partisan quarrels we see today in our republic I hope.

所以那是十分紧张的政治环境,比我们当今所见的,共和政党争论,更加反复无常，希望如此。

耶鲁公开课 - 政治哲学导论课程节选

And in each election, they would come forward and say, "we are not really a left wing party, we're a centrist party these days" And people would say, we don't believe you.

每次选举的时候,他们都会声称,我们不是一个左翼政党,我们现在是中间派,但是选民都不相信他们

耶鲁公开课 - 博弈论课程节选

Things like elections political leaders and parties different causes to which they may feel some attraction interested in wars and revolutions that they see or have heard about.

主题像是选举，政治领袖及政党,因为不同的原因，他们可能觉得,战争的主题很有吸引力,或是他们亲睹或听闻过的革命,因为想要学习这些事务。

耶鲁公开课 - 政治哲学导论课程节选

The middle class he says is able to achieve the confidence of both extreme parties where at least it is sufficiently numerous to avoid the problems : of class struggle and factional conflict.

中间阶级，如他所言,能获致两种极端政党的信任,至少它的人数足以避免,阶级斗争与派系冲突的问题,亚里士多德写到。

耶鲁公开课 - 政治哲学导论课程节选

These passionate attachments are not merely something that take place you might say between different regimes but even within them as different parties and groups with loyalties and attachments contend for power for honor and for interest.

这些热情的忠诚,不只是发生在,不同的政体之间,甚至是在政体内的不同政党与团体,依恃着忠诚与情感附属,来竞逐权力，荣耀与利益。

耶鲁公开课 - 政治哲学导论课程节选