In conversation, as in his writings, Fukuyama is cool and understated.
在交谈中，就像在他的作品中一样，福山是一个冷静而言辞谨慎的人。
"All of these people around me were cheering wildly," Fukuyama remembers.
“我身边所有的人都在狂热地欢呼，”福山回忆道。
Actually, after 22 years in Washington, Fukuyama has escaped to Stanford.
事实上，在华盛顿居住了22年之后，福山逃到了斯坦福。
After two decades in Washington, Francis Fukuyama joined Stanford University last year.
在华盛顿待了有20年之后，弗兰西斯·福山于去年加入了斯坦福大学。
Over the years, Fukuyama has scampered across the world's chalkboard like an intellectual chameleon.
多年来，福山象一条知识界的变色龙，游遍世界的版图。
The fact is there's nowhere to turn except to what Mr. Fukuyama calls the model based on inherent legitimacy.
事实是你无法反驳福山先生所说的基于内在合法性的模式。
Periodically, however, Fukuyama turns his attention to contemporary America, and the picture he paints isn't pretty.
然而，有时候，福山也会把注意力转移到当下的美国，不过在这方面，他所描绘的前景并不让人喜欢。
Fukuyama says he does not allow his children to drink milk in the first place, even before this incident or otherwise.
福山哲郎回应说，他从最初就不允许他的子女喝奶，甚至在这次事件发生之前，或是其他任何情况下。
The differences between Fukuyama and Wallerstein on their viewpoints of historical tendency are mainly expressed as the followings.
福山和沃勒斯坦的历史趋势论的差异主要表现在三个方面。
Fast-forward more than two decades and Fukuyama, now 58 and the Freeman Spogli senior fellow at Stanford University, has aged enviably little.
时间推进20年，现年58岁，身为斯坦福大学弗里曼·斯波格利资深研究员的福山并未显老，实在令人羡煞。
What Mr Fukuyama understands, and what so many Americans can't seem to accept, is that the Chinese mode of governance seems to be quite stable.
福山先生所理解的，也是那么多美国人看来所不能接受的是中国的管理模式看起来相当的稳固。
Sitting in his corner office at Stanford, the shades drawn to fend off that California sun, Fukuyama glances at the chaotic piles of books surrounding him.
在他斯坦福大楼一角的办公室里，百叶窗挡住了加州的阳光，福山坐在那里环视着周围凌乱的书堆。
(Neither Krauthammer nor Wolfowitz responded to repeated requests for their sides of the story.) “No, ” Fukuyama says, “I have not talked with Wolfowitz since.”
（我们反复请求尔夫维茨和克劳萨默给出他们这边的故事，但他们未给予任何回应）“不，”福山说，“我和沃尔夫维茨再没说过话。”
Fukuyama: we've been talking until we're blue in the face about the kind of liberalization you've just mentioned, and of course about revising the value of the renminbi.
福山：我们此前一直在交谈，直到谈到刚刚你提及的那类自由化问题，当然，这是指修正人民币的价值，此时我们的脸色都有点难堪。
Japan want to respond cautiously while cooperating closely with the ROK and the us, Kyodo news agency quoted Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Tetsuro Fukuyama as saying.
据日本共同社报道，日本内阁官房副长官福山哲郎表示，日本将在与韩国和美国紧密合作的同时，谨慎应对该建议。
Not long after the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1979, Francis Fukuyama was just a green 27-year-old researcher at the RAND Corporation, the military-focused think tank.
1979年在苏联入侵阿富汗之后不久，弗朗西斯·福山还是兰德公司这一军事智库中年仅27岁的初级研究员。
Fukuyama seems quite correct to grasp for this type of contingent theory, but I think he is wrong to believe that it cannot be formulated much more systematically, even mathematically.
Fukuyama看起来比较正确的把握了这种偶然性的理论，但是我想他错误的认为这种偶然性不可能被一种更系统的，甚至数学的，的框架来描述。
"I've been trying to move beyond The End of History ever since I wrote the book," Fukuyama says with weary patience. "But no matter what I write, everyone wants to ask me about it.".
尽管言辞简短，我仍震惊于他的镇静和安详，当提到使他成名的那些思想时，他颇有些不耐烦地说 ：“从我写作这部书时起，我就一直试图超越《历史的终结》，但是不论我写了什么，每个人都向我提起它。”
Exactly what these other factors are and how they interact with warfare are things that Fukuyama finds too complex to describe in any general way, even though he tries in many contexts.
到底这些“其它因素”是什么以及这些因素是如何与战争相互作用促成了国家的形成？ 作者认为这个问题太过于复杂以至于不能用一种通用的方式来描述，尽管他在不同的地方作了很多次的努力。
But the army has many other brigades, too: repentant neocons such as Francis Fukuyama, legal scholars such as Douglas Kmiec, and conservative talk-show hosts such as Michael Smerconish.
这支新军还囊括了许多其他力量：转变立场的新保守主义者（如弗朗西斯•福山），法学学者（如道格拉斯•克密科）以及保守派脱口秀主持人（如迈克尔•史默克里什）。
But the army has many other brigades, too: repentant neocons such as Francis Fukuyama, legal scholars such as Douglas Kmiec, and conservative talk-show hosts such as Michael Smerconish.
这支新军还囊括了许多其他力量：转变立场的新保守主义者（如弗朗西斯•福山），法学学者（如道格拉斯•克密科）以及保守派脱口秀主持人（如迈克尔•史默克里什）。
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