HI TONY! 45 MINUTES, MR BLAIR.
你好，托尼！45分钟，布莱尔先生。
布莱尔先生没有告诉他们。
But Mr Blair evinced no real contrition.
但是，布莱尔没有真正忏悔。
Mr Blair will be watching anxiously-but from the sidelines.
布莱尔先生将焦急地观望着—但是是作为旁观者。
But Mr Blair talks to people in Gaza only via video-conference.
但是布莱尔却只能通过视频会议与加沙人民交谈。
Mr Blair was both Britain's most Atlanticist and most Europhile prime minister;
布莱尔是英国最铁杆的大西洋主义者和最亲欧盟的首相；
Mr Blair, no mean Livingstone-hater in the past, was dewy-eyed with admiration.
布莱尔先生，在过去是不喜欢Livingstone的，却因此天真地崇拜着他。
Chris Bryant said it would be "bizarre" for British people to try to block Mr Blair.
克里斯·布莱恩特表示，如果有英国人试图阻止布莱尔先生的话，那简直“太怪异了”。
Mr Blair is right to ask whether society's interests are best served by the status quo.
布莱尔正确地提出疑问：一成不变得服务于社会利益是否才是最好的。
Since Mr Blair pushed for the post's creation in the first place, he might seem suitable.
由于正是布莱尔首先推动创设这一职务，他似乎是个合适的人选。
Closer to home, Mr Brown is less Europhile than Mr Blair, but then the EU has changed too.
对于内政而言，与布莱尔相比，布朗可并非如此亲欧盟，不过欧盟也在改变。
To anyone opposed to losing more sovereignty to Europe, that is reason enough to reject Mr Blair.
对于任何反对失去过多主权的欧洲国家来说，这个理由足以让他们拒绝布莱尔先生。
Mr Blair has the uncomfortable job of trying to get EU leaders to agree on a budget for 2007-2013.
要使2007- 2013年的新欧盟预算通过，布莱尔的任务很艰巨。
The hostility to Mr Blair borne by many in Britain would surprise some foreigners, especially Americans.
在英国，许多人对布莱尔充满敌意，这让一些外国人惊讶不已，尤其是美国人。
In the end much may depend on whether Mr Blair can convince Mr Paisley that this deadline is a deadline.
最终结果得看布莱尔首相是否能使佩斯利认为这是个最后的机会了。
Lord Mandelson backed Mr Blair over Mr Brown early on and incurred the latter's hurt and resentful enmity.
曼德尔森勋爵早先支持布莱尔胜于布朗，从而引发了布朗的痛苦和敌意。
Unlike the Americans, the British acknowledged as much before the war, and Mr Blair did so again at the inquiry.
英国人战前认同上述联系，这点与美国不同，而布莱尔在质询过程中再次对此表示肯定。
But it is possible to find Mr Blair self-serving yet his description of how real voters think and act convincing.
然而尽管他对选民思维方式和行事的论述令人折服，但布莱尔仍表现地自私自利。
Mr Blair has a second advantage: he would remind the notoriously sceptical British that they are important players.
布莱尔还有一项优势。他将提醒那些以对欧盟持怀疑态度而著称的的英国人：他们也是重要的参与者。
Mr Blair is not likely to say, "OK guys, you got me-i did it out of lust for glory and infatuation with George Bush."
布莱尔不大可能会承认，“好吧，您是对的——我这么做是出于对荣耀的渴望，出于对布什的追随。”
In one encounter in 2006, Mr Brown “kept shouting at me that I'd ruined his life”, Mr Blair allegedly told his friends.
布莱尔先生据说告诉过他的朋友，在2006年的一次偶遇中，布朗先生“不停的咆哮说我毁了他的人生”。
If Mr Blair cannot present a plausible plan to meet his domestic goals, he will be robbed of international credibility.
如果布莱尔届时不能拿出合理的方案来实现国内目标，他在国际上的威望可就毁于一旦了。
Mr Blair said that he had tried to picture himself telling Parliament that he was giving up Britain's nuclear deterrent.
布莱尔谈到，他曾试着想象，如果要他来告诉议会说，英国将放弃核威慑力量。
By the time Mr Blair gave that denial, Britain had, in fact, been preparing for possible military action for five months.
在布莱尔先生给出否定答案的时候，英国实际上已经为可能的军事行动准备了五个月。
Peter Hennessy, Britain’s best historian of Whitehall, concludes that Mr Blair “didn’t understand how institutions worked.
PeterHennessy，英国怀特霍尔最好的历史学家总结说：“Mr Blair 不明白机构是如何运作的。
As for the donation itself, Mr Blair is now a very rich man, able to command huge fees for speeches, consultancies and the like.
就捐赠本身而言，布莱尔先生现在相当富裕，因各种演讲、咨询以及诸如此类，他获得巨额资金。
As for the donation itself, Mr Blair is now a very rich man, able to command huge fees for speeches, consultancies and the like.
就捐赠本身而言，布莱尔先生现在相当富裕，因各种演讲、咨询以及诸如此类，他获得巨额资金。
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