众所周知，中国的核武库在五核国中是最小、最落后的，但中国却是五国中第一个奉行不首先使用核武器政策的国家。
As is known to all, China's nuclear Arsenal is the smallest and least advanced among the five nuclear powers. Yet, China is the first to pursue the policy of no-first-use of nuclear weapons.
他说：“从很多不同的角度来看，我们都需要俄罗斯；比如说，在对巴尔干半岛的政策上，在我们与伊朗之间的关系上，在防止伊朗研发核武器的问题上，等等。”
"We need Russia in a number of different areas: in Balkan policy, in our relations with Iran and trying to prevent the development of nuclear power in Iran," he said.
恶梦般的情景很危险的另外一个原因是：备受期望的拥有核武器的伊朗下场，不管是真的还是只是想象，都将决定防止德黑兰引爆核武器的政策。
Nightmare scenarios are dangerous for yet another reason: the expected consequences of a nuclear Iran, real or imagined, will determine the policies pursued to prevent Tehran from developing the bomb.
阿拉伯的民意是如此敌视华盛顿的政策以至于大部分人(百分之五十七)认为如果伊朗拥有核武器的话区域安全将得到促进。
Arab opinion is so hostile to Washington's policies that a majority (57 percent) think regional security would be enhanced if Iran had nuclear weapons.
中国同时对于国际上对于伊朗核武器研究的压迫性政策采取暂时的保留态度，希望这样能够保护中国经济和能源利益。
China meanwhile remains very reluctant to tighten the international squeeze on Iran over that country’s nuclear programme, preferring to protect Chinese economic and energy interests.
他说：“从很多不同的角度来看，我们都需要俄罗斯；比如说，在对巴尔干半岛的政策上，在我们与伊朗之间的关系上，在防止伊朗研发核武器的问题上，等等。”
We need Russia in a number of different areas: in Balkan policy, in our relations with Iran and trying to prevent the development of nuclear power in Iran, he said.
迈克尔·切尔托夫说，正如二十世纪五十年代一样，现在我们需要建立这一原则。因为时下正处于紧急情况，核武器提出了何时与为何发生冲突统治着一些不相干的早期政策。
The need for such a doctrine was as pressing now as it was in 1950s, he said, when the emergence of nuclear weapons rendered irrelevant earlier policies governing when and why conflicts were fought.
迈克尔·切尔托夫说，正如二十世纪五十年代一样，现在我们需要建立这一原则。因为时下正处于紧急情况，核武器提出了何时与为何发生冲突统治着一些不相干的早期政策。
The need for such a doctrine was as pressing now as it was in 1950s, he said, when the emergence of nuclear weapons rendered irrelevant earlier policies governing when and why conflicts were fought.
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