苏哈托没有走这条道路。
By his death Mr Suharto has cheated justice.
苏哈托先生用他的死亡欺骗了正义。
By training and instinct, Mr Suharto was a soldier.
通过训练以及他的本能,苏哈托先生是一个战士。
Of all the media, news radio may have suffered most under Suharto.
所有的媒体中,新闻广播可能是苏哈托时代境遇最凄惨的。
Mr Kalla's running-mate is Wiranto, yet another Suharto-era general.
卡拉先生的竞选伙伴是维兰托,维兰托也是苏哈托时代的将军。
At one point Mr Suharto was the sixth-richest person in the world.
苏哈托先生一度是世界上第6富有的人。
After Suharto fell, Mr Santoso and his colleagues saw an opportunity.
苏哈托下台以后,桑托索和他的同事们看到了机遇。
In 1998, when Suharto lost power, Indonesia suffered an economic meltdown.
1998年,Suharto下台之际,印度尼西亚遭遇了一次经济崩溃。
During the rule of Suharto, all newspapers and magazines run by Chinese were banned.
苏哈托统治印尼期间 ,印尼所有华人报刊被取缔。
Suharto and his family are reported to have accumulated up to 40 BILLION USD in wealth.
据报道苏哈托和他的家族累积财富达400亿美元。
Like most strongmen, Suharto refused to deal with the problem of succession until it was forced upon him.
正如大部分的强人,苏哈托,拒绝解决交班的问题,直到最后他被逼退位。
Under Suharto it had dwifungsi, the “dual function” of helping to run the country as well as defending it.
在苏哈图时代,它们有“dwifungsi”,即承担双重职能:帮助治理国家,并且保卫它。
Fall, however, Suharto did, in 1998, disqualifying Indonesia's recent history as a serviceable model for Than Shwe.
然而,苏哈托在1998年确实跨了,使得印尼的近代历史无以成为丹瑞有用的模范。
This is only the third legislative election since the 1998 fall of Suharto, who ruled Indonesia for more than 30 years, before the economy collapsed.
自从1998年苏哈托下台以来,这是印尼的第三次国会选举。苏哈托统治印尼30多年后经济出现崩溃。
Before Egypt and Indonesia were brought into the American camp by Sadat and Suharto, they had been two of the four founding members of the Non-Aligned Movement.
在萨达特和苏哈托分别将埃及和印度尼西亚带入美国阵营前,这两国都曾是不结盟运动的四创始成员国之一。
Even a senior World Bank official noted that although a toll road built by a Suharto family enterprise might cost 20% more than it should, at least it got built.
甚至一位世界银行高官也曾提到,苏哈托家族企业所建收费站缴费水平可能确实要比其应收费用多了20%,但至少它们得以获批在印尼国土上修建。
With its origins in the Suharto "new order" regime, Golkar seems a waning force, but its big-business backing and nationwide reach mean it is unlikely to fade away.
起源于苏哈图“新指令”时代的专业集团党似乎实力越加黯淡,但他背后广泛的商业支持和遍布全国触角意味着他不会轻易消失。
Nor does Indonesia have a business climate that would allow the economy to grow at the annual 6.5% it averaged under Suharto, let alone the double-digit rates achieved by China.
印尼也没有足够的商业氛围能让经济增长保持在苏哈托时代的平均每年6.5%,更不用说像中国那样的两位数增长率。
Nor does Indonesia have a business climate that would allow the economy to grow at the annual 6.5% it averaged under Suharto, let alone the double-digit rates achieved by China.
印尼也没有足够的商业氛围能让经济增长保持在苏哈托时代的平均每年6.5%,更不用说像中国那样的两位数增长率。
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