Kissinger and Friedberg offer coherent proposals that are mutually exclusive.
基辛格和弗里德贝格提供了清晰的建议，而他们又是互相排斥的。
Friedberg reasonably enough makes this assumption for the purposes of argument.
为了阐述他的观点，弗里德·伯格合理地运用了这种假设。
Friedberg analyzes why, in addition to its economic potential, China is such a difficult challenge for U. s. policymakers.
为何中国对美国的政策制定者而言是一个艰难挑战，佛雷德·伯格分析了除其经济增长以外的其他原因。
After conducting a net assessment of China's and America's hard and soft power, Friedberg concludes with an analysis of the strategic options available to U. s. policymakers.
在主导进行过中美软硬实力的综合评估之后，佛雷德·伯格根据美国政策决策者们可以采取的一系列战略性举措后进行了分析并得出结论。
Friedberg presents all of the arguments employed in favor of optimism and complacency regarding the trends facing the United States in East Asia then systemically shoots them down.
佛雷德·伯格列举了关于美国在东亚形势所有积极自满的观点，然后将之一一驳倒。
Friedberg catalogs the numerous business and academic interests inside the United States that profit from their relationships with China and who seek to downplay the strategic rivalry.
佛雷德·伯格列举了美国国内的无数商业和学术利益体，他们无视中美战略竞争通过与中国的关系获得利益。
Friedberg catalogs the numerous business and academic interests inside the United States that profit from their relationships with China and who seek to downplay the strategic rivalry.
佛雷德·伯格列举了美国国内的无数商业和学术利益体，他们无视中美战略竞争通过与中国的关系获得利益。
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