构成霹雳州代理权争斗的最大的问题是，如果某一天州权力的操作杆从巫统的手中滑脱将会发生什么？自从去年的大选后，这看起来是不可避免的。
The bigger question posed by the proxy war in Perak is what happens if the levers of federal power should one day slip from UMNO's hands, as has seemed inevitable since last year's election.
除此以外，专家认为这个标准更高了，是巫统所僭望的。
Experts say it is much higher and that it suits UMNO to pretend otherwise.
但是仍然在摇摆不定，巫统很清楚这一点。
随后，他加入巫统，让从前的同僚们大跌眼镜，在此之后，他芝麻开花节节高。
Then he shocked his former colleagues by joining UMNO, where his rise was spectacular.
此外，纳吉先生必须要对付那些声称要捍卫巫统马来人的权利的黄色的群体（Perkasa）。
Further, Mr Najib has to contend with a ginger group, Perkasa, that claims to defend Malay rights within UMNO.
然而，在州和联邦的民意调查遭遇一连串令人尴尬失败后，这正是巫统最害怕的。
Yet that is exactly what UMNO fears most after a run of embarrassing defeats in state and federal polls.
在传达反对统治党信息的过程中，安瓦尔得到了网络舆论之助，大大削弱了巫统控制的主流媒体力量。
In getting out its message, the opposition has been helped by an explosion of internet opinion that has undermined the influence of the UMNO-controlled mainstream media.
时值马来西亚日前8天，巫统派出数十名议员对台湾进行了一次所谓的学术交流访问，显然是想把他们调离安瓦尔身边。
Eight days before Malaysia day, UMNO packed off dozens of its MPs on a supposed study tour of Taiwan, a blatant ploy to keep them away from Mr Anwar.
只有这样，他才能打消巫统保守派顾虑。
Should he do that, he will be able to sweep out the UMNO old guard.
唯一确定的一件事，是当时正是巫统面临领导危机的时刻。
The only thing that is certain about that period was that Umno was facing a leadership crisis.
第三个被关押的人，在18小时后被释放。他是一个新闻工作者，曾经确切地报道了一名少数派巫统官员对种族问题的评论。
The third detainee, released after 18 hours, was a journalist who had accurately reported racist comments by a minor UMNO official.
巫统继续把自己描画为马来人特权的捍卫者，想方设法让其他公民相信，巫统在保障种族和谐。
UMNO continues to portray itself to Malays as the defender of their privileges yet tries to convince everyone else that it is the guarantor of racial harmony.
“巫统至上”的新名字：一个大马？
“巫统至上”的新名字：一个大马？
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