并且，在某种意义上卡扎菲先生不大可能会预见到，他的统治所带来的创伤会将国家认同感打造的比以前更加诚挚。
And, in a sense Mr Qaddafi is unlikely to have foreseen, the trauma of his rule may have forged a national identity much more heartfelt than it was before.
近年来，卡扎菲先生表现的愈加圆滑。
“为什么，埃里克先生，”卡扎菲显然感到不解，他直截了当地为我，“为什么美国人要杀死我？”
“Why, Mr Eric, ” a clearly confused Gadaffi plaintively asked me, “why are the Americans trying to kill me?”
同时，像埃及和突尼斯一样，卡扎菲先生的亲朋好友垄断了许多利润最为丰厚的商业机会。
Meanwhile, as in Egypt and Tunisia, Mr Qaddafi’s relatives and cronies monopolised many of the most lucrative business opportunities.
“卡扎菲先生必须离任，”他表示。
经历了他41年的暴虐而反复无常的统治，利比亚六百五十万人民都很清楚，是时候制裁卡扎菲先生了。
After 41 years of his violently capricious rule, Libya's 6.5m people know Mr Qaddafi well enough to take him seriously.
然而，与卡扎菲先生此前很多的明显成就相比，这次事件花费了巨大的隐形成本。
Yet, as with many of Mr Qaddafi's apparent successes, this one carried heavy hidden costs.
赛义夫及卡扎菲先生亲自在电视上发表演说，然而其更为冰冷的语气，就好比在效仿突尼斯的本。阿里和埃及的穆巴拉克的论调。
Even the televised speeches by Saif al-Islam and Mr Qaddafi himself, while more chilling in tone, echoed performances by Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia and Hosni Mubarak of Egypt.
赛义夫及卡扎菲先生亲自在电视上发表演说，然而其更为冰冷的语气，就好比在效仿突尼斯的本。阿里和埃及的穆巴拉克的论调。
Even the televised speeches by Saif al-Islam and Mr Qaddafi himself, while more chilling in tone, echoed performances by Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia and Hosni Mubarak of Egypt.
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