So is Transdniestria (see article), whose pig-headed authorities refuse to acknowledge the problem.
Instead of rising to the level of Europe, Moldova risks being dragged down to the level of Transdniestria.
Moldova and Azerbaijan, for example, have headaches with similar entities, Transdniestria and Nagorno-Karabakh.
Transdniestria's smugglers and arms salesmen the backbone of the economy, along with a big Ukrainian-owned steelworks trade through Ukraine, especially via Odessa.
Even Moldova's territorial dispute, involving its Slav minority in Transdniestria (see article), scarcely sparks the imagination of foreign mediators.
After some hiccups, his bid for reconciliation with Transdniestria and its veteran strongman, Igor Smirnov, seems to be making progress.
It is important to note that for the first time, the participants from museums of Transdniestria took part in the training.
The Ukrainian government could cripple Transdniestria by policing the common border tightly.
The winding-up of Transdniestria would cause few tears except to its inventors.
At worst, it might even step up its military presence in Transdniestria, to make a second Kaliningrad: a Russian fortress in south-east Europe.
In mainly Romanian-speaking Moldova, Russia maintains a big military base in a separatist enclave called Transdniestria, which abuts Ukraine and is largely populated by Slavs.
The best counter-strategy would be to confront the Russians openly over what they are protecting in Transdniestria: a big, ugly smuggling racket, with a piece of land attached.
It is a helpful go- between in regional disputes, trying, for example, to find a settlement between Moldova and the mini-state of Transdniestria, whereas Russia is quite happy to keep that pot simmering.
The Kremlin is certainly putting pressure on Transdniestria.
An ethnic Russian himself, the new president, Vladimir Voronin, has offered two large sops to the Russian-speaking separatists who have set up their own, self-proclaimed (and self-corrupted) state, Transdniestria, in the east of the country.
The same resolute tune comes from his sidekick, Dmitri Soin, who runs the splendidly named Che Guevara School of Political Leadership a youth movement that aims to funnel Transdniestria's young people into constructive activities such as NATO-baiting.
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