Tocqueville's father, jailed with them, escaped only because the guillotine caught up with Robespierre first.
Seldom in good health, Tocqueville lived on his nerves, working in bursts followed by frequent collapses.
Tocqueville's arias to excellence and warnings about mediocrity have misled people into thinking him a snob.
Before either side says another word about Tocqueville, though, they should both read Mr Brogan.
His business is now a semiautonomous piece of the New York City firm Tocqueville Asset Management.
Indeed if Alexis de Tocqueville is to be believed, early America was surprisingly uninventive.
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De Tocqueville noted that democratic people have always had a weakness for memorialising their leaders.
"If they just froze their production profiles, they'd be gushing cash flow, " agrees Tocqueville's Mr. Hathaway.
As in the case of de Tocqueville, it sometimes takes a Frenchman to explain America to itself.
Back in the early 19th century Alexis de Tocqueville noted that American farmers viewed their holdings more like capitalists than peasants.
He wondered if Alexis de Tocqueville had ever envisaged a scene like this.
The story of Tocqueville's visit was an extraordinary one in its own right.
As depicted by Mr Beckert, gilded-age New York suggests that, in one respect, Alexis de Tocqueville judged too soon.
Tocqueville 's excellent French-American fare and smooth service give you an idea of what's meant by a civilized dinner out.
In the 19th century Alexis de Tocqueville marvelled that in America the opulent did not stand aloof from the people.
In his office, when Kendall looked up from his Tocqueville, he could see the opalescent lake spreading out in all directions.
His chapters on Tocqueville's American travels make a book within a book.
But unlike Strauss, Tocqueville was very modest about what kind of spirit-oriented thinking would be enough to let us pursue happiness successfully.
Alexis de Tocqueville observed that Americans intertwined individual liberty with vibrant faith.
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One of Tocqueville's greatest fears was that democracy would kill great art.
"They asked for de Tocqueville for the longest time, " Ms. Hurley reported.
Without forcing a 19th-century figure into 21st-century disputes, Mr Brogan brings out two related ways in which Tocqueville remains part of the argument.
Now we have an unexpected addition to the Tocqueville renaissance: a fictional account of his visit to the United States by a much garlanded novelist.
They have finally learned de Tocqueville's lesson: that the best way for aristocrats to survive in a democracy is to disguise themselves as hoi polloi.
But as Tocqueville so closely observed, a people like ours at a time like ours are ruled by a justifiable taste for vague and general ideas.
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It is in part for reasons like these that Alexis de Tocqueville claimed the poorly-off did not want the wealth of the wealthy so much as their pride.
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The 19th century French philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville pointed out that there are essentially two grand themes around which political life can be organized in America: equality and liberty.
What Tocqueville said and did, however, is not necessarily what modern followers would always want him to have done, as Mr Brogan, a British historian of America, makes clear.
In the 1830s, Tocqueville noted that Americans were "restless in the midst of abundance, " always moving, always working and perpetually hurling themselves into one new business venture after another.
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