The basic transition, racial transition that we see in our cities took place whether or not there was school desegregation.
The court wrapped up its session yesterday, overturning two school desegregation plans.
It's basically housing driven, and we see it in cities like Chicago, Atlanta, New York, Philadelphia, LA, that never had significant school desegregation.
In 1958, Justice John Marshall Harlan echoed a similar sentiment when the Court deliberated its first major case involving school desegregation since the 1954 Brown v.
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And this term, the court limited voluntary school desegregation plans in public schools and that's just three years after the court upheld affirmative action in higher education.
The court delivered decisions that limit voluntary school desegregation plans, curb student free speech rights and struck down a key provision of the McCain-Feingold campaign finance law.
Just 20 years later, in 1974, the Supreme Court decided perhaps the second biggest significant school desegregation case to the harm and detriment of integration, called Milliken v.
And people mixed up that housing transition with school desegregation.
Among the under-30 set, Pew says, 16% thought the case dealt with school desegregation, and 41% either said it dealt with another issue or had no idea what it dealt with.
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In comparison, 7% of all adults polled incorrectly associated the decision with school desegregation, 5% associated it with the death penalty, and 5% more thought the ruling dealt with environmental protection, according to a Pew report.
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Ellis, a North Carolina gas-station operator who, having joined the Ku Klux Klan and attained in due course the lofty rank of Exalted Grand Cyclops, decided to hang up his robe and become an advocate for school desegregation.
When President Bill Clinton arrived in Houston on September 26th after his trip to Little Rock in Arkansas for the 40th anniversary of that city's school-desegregation crisis in 1957, he chose to speak not at swish Rice University but at a community college.
The Louisville school district had done so even after court-ordered desegregation was lifted in 2000.
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In the early 1980s, it sued two other local school districts and the state of Arkansas for practices that hindered desegregation, and sought consolidation of the districts.
Local administrators today are focusing on attainable desegregation goals, Orfield says, such as continuing magnet school and student transfer programs.
"They've been defeated with certain desegregation efforts, " acknowledges Harvard's Gary Orfield of the Little Rock School District.
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