Thai Rak Thai are not known for sitting down and talking things through, they like immediate results.
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Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his Thai Rak Thai party won an overwhelming electoral majority in early 2005.
In July 1998 Thaksin abandoned Thailand's political mainstream and founded his own Thai Rak Thai (Thai Unity) Party.
Alone among all the parties, Thai Rak Thai asked the voters what they wanted, and promised to provide it.
"Tarrin doesn't look at macroeconomic policy, " says Surakiart Sathirathai, a leading economic adviser to the Thai Rak Thai Party.
Aashish Kalra and Rak Chugh--a venture capitalist and an investment banker--saw this change coming when they started Trikona in 2003.
Mr Thaksin's Thai Rak Thai party says the generals are actually courting trouble, as an excuse to cling to power.
For a time, Thai Rak Thai even ran its campaign from a building belonging to one of Mr Thaksin's companies.
In the meantime, one of the coalition members has voted to merge with Thai Rak Thai, as Seritham did earlier.
He formed his own party, Thai Rak Thai, or 'Thais Love Thais'.
Last month, Mr Thaksin's Thai Rak Thai party lost two by-elections, giving the opposition enough seats to table censure motions against ministers.
Ask any senior member what Thai Rak Thai stands for, and they will begin with a long paean to Mr Thaksin's virtues.
His Thai Rak Thai party, whose policies of cheap health care and microcredit had won strong support from rural voters, was subsequently dissolved.
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Thaksin transferred his shares in Shin to his relatives before he led his Thai Rak Thai Party--Thais Love Thais--to an election victory in 2001.
Thai Rak Thai, for its part, fits neatly into the Thai tradition of bespoke political outfits tailored to turn their ambitious leaders into prime ministers.
Indeed, the only ones to prosper were those running on Thai Rak Thai's ticket, which suggests that they needed the party more than it needed them.
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The big investigations that have been started into corruption in the Thaksin government may sap support for the deposed leader and his Thai Rak Thai party, reducing their chances of a comeback.
Whether or not the Thai Rak Thai party leader is guilty of wrongdoing with either his assets declarations or his dispersal of shareholdings is a matter for the political watchdog and the courts.
By contrast, Mr Thaksin's Thai Rak Thai party was the first party ever in Thailand to run on a platform of reform policies, which in large measure explains why he won so resoundingly.
Critics who dismissed Thai Rak Thai's platform as cheap populism were missing the point: in a country used to receiving policy edicts from on high, a spot of populism was no bad thing.
This is what is happening to Thai Rak Thai Party leader Thaksin Shinawatra, who has been under attack in the media for allegedly shady asset transfers in his attempts to conform with the requirements of the constitution.
His deep pockets clearly helped, as did his status as a newcomer: his freshly minted Thai Rak Thai was untainted by the older parties' association with the crash of 1997, and by their flailing attempts to repair the ensuing damage.
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