The Cook memo is damning proof that the main goal of union leaders is to enhance the power of union leaders, not of workers.
Both nationally and locally, union power has eroded as non-union employers offer bonuses to newly hired workers, and thick wage-and-benefits packages to retain them.
However the union is divided into factions and many expect to see a power struggle as union barons jostle for control.
And, according to Professor Hyman, this also weakened the power of local union activists like shop stewards, and unions adopted a more "strategic" use of power, where strike were the last resort, not the first course of action.
Maybe they would like more power and the union may like them to have less.
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Elected after an anti-union campaign in 1979, Margaret Thatcher's government passed several laws limiting union power.
In New South Wales a party machine run by deal-makers and union power-brokers has made this impossible.
Gov. Mitch Daniels in Indiana has also enjoyed public support for his efforts to trim union power.
Taken together, these provisions would sharply change the balance of power in both union organizing and negotiations.
In fact the issues raised are very practical indeed: essentially, they are about who wields power within the Union.
Keeping union power in check, the three economists find, helps managers to boost their own, rather than shareholders', income.
Therefore falling wages (if indeed there are such) for working Americans cannot be the result of the decline of union power.
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It would abolish the government's workplace laws, which remove the last vestiges of union power, and pour more money into education.
It is not clear that an injection of funding will be enough to reverse the erosion of union power and membership.
It was only during the subsequent job-rich recovery that the effects of curbs on union power and sharper incentives to work materialised.
You would expect him to demand higher taxes and more union power.
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The authors effectively use the boiling frog analogy to explain how union power has grown over the years, and their analogy is apt.
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There were also increases in labour-market flexibility through improving job search for those on benefits, reducing replacement rates, increasing in-work benefits and restricting union power.
Large scale manufacturing, union power, a strong middle class and the music that became the soundtrack for American life all can claim roots in Motown.
Shrinking the league by two teams was an idea the owners floated back then, though the power of players union rendered it all but impossible.
While union power dwindled during the 1990s with declining membership, the formation of "superunions" through a series of recent mergers has created organisations with huge industrial clout.
It now seems natural to recall statistics, commonly overlooked last week, that show the limits to trade-union power: notably that unionisation has declined from 28% to 14% of the workforce in the past three decades.
But as David Autor, an economist at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, points out in a new paper on labour market polarisation, fading union power has been more the effect than the cause of occupational shifts.
Where after the war Attlee established the case for the NHS, state education and a welfare state, Thatcher, after the industrial wars of the 70s and the Cold War, won the arguments for a market-based economy, the private ownership of key industries and services, limits on trade union power and a strong defence policy based on the Atlantic Alliance.
Unfortunately, Stern also clings to the old union ways of relying on the persuasion of power and has largely grown his union through political paybacks from politicians.
"They are contrary to our clear intention to ensure that any future proposal to amend the European Union treaties to transfer further competence or power from this country to the European Union should be subject to the consent of the British people, " he said.
Nonetheless, his big test in government would be to stare down the power of the old union elites.
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First, relations with France, with which Germany has long shared a duopoly of power within the European Union, need mending.
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The original postwar Social Compact was sustained by a combination of economic growth, union bargaining power, government policies and enforcement, and organizational practices that reinforced wage norms based on productivity.
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