Such an interest could easily be translated into pressure for further expansion of Western government loans, guarantees, and energy-related assistance to Moscow lest the Soviet Union have its access to private credit markets curtailed by the course of deepening economic and political crises.
Repudiation of the Bush Administration's recent concession to Moscow whereby the Soviet Union can obtain observer status in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) even before the Kremlin adopts price reform and other market practices needed to make its economy more compatible with the GATT system.
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The Bush Administration is nearly as intent as Moscow on adding the Soviet Union to the list of U.S.-approved, "secure" foreign suppliers of oil and natural gas.
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In the Soviet Union Moscow had the authority and responsibility to do all of those things, and the continued functioning of the system demanded that it do so.
It also calls upon him to match this action with strong words at the summit: There will be real costs to the Soviet Union if Moscow engages in repression against its restive republics, ethnic minorities, workers, journalists and others.
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The Bush Administration should at once repudiate its recent concession to Moscow which would permit the Soviet Union to obtain observer status in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) before the Kremlin adopts price reform and other market practices needed to make its economy more compatible with the GATT system.
The Jackson-Vanik Amendment, after all, directly conditioned Soviet MFN on Moscow granting its people the right to leave the Soviet Union.
The only exceptions have been cities where development has been distorted by ideology, such as Moscow before the fall of the Soviet Union, notes Alain Bertaud, a former principal planner World Bank.
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Slightly over 20 years ago the United States boycotted the Olympic Games in Moscow ostensibly to protest at the then Soviet Union's invasion of Afghanistan.
If there is one area of the system by which the USSR has been governed which remains essentially unchanged by glasnost, perestroika, the putative end of the Cold War, democratic elections, interest in free market reforms or economic crisis in the Soviet Union, it is Moscow center's defense industrial establishment.
The colorful Berezovsky had been a Moscow math professor and systems analyst before the Soviet Union broke apart in 1991.
In short, the republics and localities in the Soviet Union view forced delivery to Moscow as tantamount to confiscation of their own precious resources.
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In 1963, the United States, Britain and the Soviet Union signed a treaty in Moscow banning nuclear tests in the atmosphere, in space and underwater.
The West should be under no illusion: These concessions, if granted to Moscow, would represent enormous victories for the Soviet Union which has long sought to have these crucial alliance agreements overturned.
While these resources might permit Estonia to become largely energy independent of the USSR -- Estonia's electricity output from the shale oil provides twice its domestic requirements -- at present it is required to provide the electricity derived from the shale oil to the Soviet Union at prices set by Moscow and far below production costs.
But the Soviet Union is looking to the United States to do more: Moscow expects nothing less than a U.S. "seal of approval" for financial assistance to the Soviet Union.
According to Ryzhkov, if Moscow's demands are not met, the Soviet Union will reimpose a harsh economic blockade on all three independent republics.
There is a real danger that a piecemeal defense conversion scheme in the Soviet Union would wind up helping revitalize Moscow's least productive enterprises.
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With the collapse of the Soviet Union, nuclear competition between Washington and Moscow has ceased to be a central concern.
As under the Soviet Union, I think we see that Moscow's attitude to foreign militant groups can be much more friendly.
Moreover, especially when taken together, they will serve to strengthen precisely the wrong sorts in the Soviet Union the central authorities in Moscow.
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He returned to Moscow in December 1991 to cover the collapse of the Soviet Union and the transition from Mikhail Gorbachev to Boris Yeltsin.
For an image-conscious political operative like Secretary Baker, however, the most important message is a different one: If despite such willing American concession-making agreement cannot be reached by the end of the Moscow ministerial, the blame will rest squarely with the Soviet Union.
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It was only after Mikhail Gorbachev, the Soviet Union's new leader, summoned Mr Yeltsin to Moscow in 1985 that he began to differentiate himself from dozens of other senior party apparatchiks.
Common sense suggests that, toward this end, the U.S. should encourage Ukraine to retain the nuclear arms it inherited from the former Soviet Union -- not insist that Kiev surrender them to Moscow.
There can be little doubt that the brewing crisis between Moscow and the Baltic states poses a far more significant challenge to the Soviet Union even than the loss of its Eastern European empire.
Some will argue that the lesson for "W." is that the Kremlin must be bought off if he wants to bring down the former Soviet Union's client in Baghdad without grave difficulty from Moscow.
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It has been represented by Gorbachev as a charter for a new Union of Sovereign Soviet Republics, one which would strip Moscow center of its dominant position and vest new autonomy in the governments of fifteen republics.
Unlike Heath - who saw the EEC as a bulwark against communism and a possible source of weakening Moscow's influence - Thatcher likened its role to that of the Soviet Union, as a force for centralisation and excessive state control.
By a vote of 374-41, the House insisted that henceforth radical, structural change in the Soviet Union must precede any further American taxpayer-underwritten aid to Moscow.
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