But ahead of the 2003 assembly election, he made a similar break with the UK party with a speech contrasting Welsh Labour to New Labour's market-driven reforms of health and education.
Where there is not the requirement to poach labour, but where it is possible to bring new labour into the production system.
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Perhaps the easiest way to define Welsh Labour is to say it's not New Labour.
Would Labour, even New Labour, really choose to put this claim on the public purse ahead of schools and homes and health?
It is not for nothing that the German embassy in London explains to German visitors that New Labour is to the right of the German Christian Democrats.
This appears to have been what it says on the tin: a series of discussions intended to reinforce New Labour themes like the need to be credible with business.
But, to appease the left, New Labour seems to have got itself into the ludicrous position of devising a balloting process that is tortuous enough to prevent the outcome for which many on the left thought it had been devised.
But it was a battle that had to come at some stage if New Labour was to requite its radical destiny.
The fear of workers flooding in from Poland or Estonia has caused all but three countries in western Europe to close their labour markets to the new members for up to seven years.
This is not the first time that he has had a "conversion", and to me his conversion is no more "unprincipled" than the conversion of new Labour to core Thatcherite economic and trade union policies.
He said a fitting end to New Labour's revolution would be a formal union of Liberalism and Labourism, but that Labour would need the generosity to reach out to a smaller party from a position of great strength.
By denying Mr Blair the excuse that he must cling to office to preserve New Labour's mission, he was hoping to heap pressure on the prime minister to announce a timetable for his eventual exit.
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In a nod towards old Labour, the first thing New Labour did in power was to abolish the Tories' assisted-places scheme, which enabled brighter pupils from poorer backgrounds to take up state-funded places at the top public schools.
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We don't have to copy New Labour, but we are the party best placed to reform public services.
We don't have to disown every single principle of the past, which is what New Labour had to do.
Having been happy enough to win power on the changes of policy and image he helped to fashion, New Labour should take no pride in refusing to acknowledge its debt.
When she surfaced in the House of Commons on March 6th to answer routine departmental questions, it proved an opportunity for the New Labour sisterhood to turn out in colourful force.
Once he had been in power for a few years, Mr Blair came to regret the amount of time and energy New Labour had devoted to courting the media.
The paper was revamped and has become increasingly sympathetic to New Labour since the election.
But he knows full well that the British electorate still distrusts the Tories, and still wants New Labour to succeed.
Nor is he happy with the populist tinge to New Labour: he looks back to the clearer air of R.
Mr Blair and his acolytes have seen various opportunities for New Labour to make its mark on history appear, only to fade away.
Sir Richard Wilson, the current cabinet secretary, sees his main job as making sure that civil servants do what ministers want, and that they adapt to New Labour's new world.
He was happy to once again admit New Labour probably went too far in trying to handle, and manipulate the media when in opposition - but that, he suggested, was because they had given Labour such an appalling time in the past.
It is a hard question to answer in Britain, where the new Labour government is poised to levy a windfall tax on privatised utilities, where the electricity regulator will impose a tighter cap on electricity distribution charges in 2000, and where competition in the supply of electricity to domestic consumers is due to start next year.
In a speech later today, shadow home secretary Yvette Cooper is expected to set out the Labour Party's new approach to immigration.
What we seem to have is a kind of 'New Labour-lite' approach to government in which the Treasury constantly shrinks away from what really needs to be done.
This is most obvious in Britain, where during the recent election campaign Labour and Tory leaders vied with each other to bad-mouth Brussels (though the new Labour government has begun, as John Major once did, with a charm offensive in Europe).
New Labour licensed Mr Field to think the unthinkable about reforming the welfare state Old Labour had invented.
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