So have young Kurds, though their political leaders have been wary of speaking out.
But the truth is that the Kurds have figured out a model that works.
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Many Kurds now worry that a strongman may once again be emerging in Baghdad.
The Kurds would remain autonomous in their northern redoubt, retaining control over their peshmerga militias.
Numbering between 2.5-3 million, Kurds make up some 15 percent of the Syrian population.
Yet until the Kurds' demands are met that wing is unlikely to be discarded.
Largely free from Saddam's depredations, the Kurds have practiced the arts of self-rule and commerce.
Not only would that mean increasing the Kurds' chances of holding on to the provincial council.
It's home to a volatile mixture of Sunni Muslims, Shiite Muslims, Sunni Kurds, even Christians.
After years of mutual hostility, Turkey and the Iraqi Kurds are at last talking.
Kurds on both sides of that border depend on trade that crosses the line.
The religiously minded, centralist Shia disagree on several big issues with the more secular, federalist Kurds.
There are some hopeful signs that Turkey is trying to make friends with the Iraqi Kurds.
The forces, along with special operations troops, have prevented feuding between the Turks and the Kurds.
Correspondents say the planned referendum makes northern Iraq's Kurds a target for politically-motivated attacks.
Delegates said the body would carry representation for ethnic Kurds, Christians, Alawites and women.
Iraq's Kurds suspect that Turkey's real plan is to end their 17-year-old experiment with self-rule.
As their American mentors leave, the Iraqi Kurds are turning to Turkey for protection.
But first, says Mr Salih and others, the Kurds must put their own house in order.
The Kurds believe they can rely on a pro-federalist majority on the Governing Council.
Yet last year Mr Tanrikulu was among thousands of Kurds who spoke hopefully of peace.
The Americans do not deny that they have had a special relationship with the Kurds.
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In recent months, relations have improved dramatically between the Turks and the Iraqi Kurds.
Three major groups have watched each other suspiciously: Sunni Arabs, Shiite Arabs and Kurds.
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But a large bloc of Kurds, Sunni Arabs and secular politicians have been forcefully opposed to Jaafari.
Some in Baghdad are tempted to call the Kurds' bluff and let them go their own way.
Non-Arab communities, mainly Kurds, Turkmen and Assyrians make up somewhere between 20% and 25% of Iraq's population.
The Kurds say that they simply have no faith that Mr Jaafari will act on his commitments.
The population is 89% Shia Muslim, 10% Sunni (mostly Kurds) and 1% Zoroastrian, Bahai, Jewish or Christian.
"The Kurds will be a part of this Iraq, this united, democratic federation of Iraq, " Talabani said.
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