Euro-federalists and Eurosceptics alike feel vindicated: monetary union cannot work without economic and political unity.
Political scientists like KK Kailash actually wonder whether these parties are true federalists themselves.
Keen federalists, well to the fore in the convention, want a single European foreign policy.
This tolerance of deeper integration by a small group was a sop to federalists.
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Devout federalists have their answer: unanimity is the enemy of progress in an EU of 27 countries.
The second error is to assume that the crisis has been a lasting blow for European federalists.
It is to their credit that federalists do not think voter indifference to the EU can be ignored.
To apply his brain to the small universe of money instead of the battle between Jefferson and the Federalists?
Not at all, said the Belgians and other federalists, for whom the creation of such a tax remains a cherished ideal.
Forming our new group had a logic to it: the EPP is dominated by federalists and cheerleaders for the social market economy.
Many traditional federalists are horrified by this shift in thinking in Germany.
British Eurosceptics and European federalists alike feel vindicated in predicting that monetary union would not work without a political and economic union.
Vigilant Eurosceptics are usually keen to see conniving genius in European federalists.
The Federalists, as exemplified by Alexander Hamilton, John Adams and John Marshall, were more consistently revolutionary in defense of rights than the Jeffersonian democrats were.
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All four groups are likely to be led by committed federalists.
Federalists deplore the proposed overriding of a core competence of states.
For some Federalists, it also had an aristocratic purpose: to collect knowledge and experience, and to guard against a levelling spirit that might overtake the majority.
Fervent federalists (and a few Eurosceptics) have rushed to claim that the euro's long-term survival requires a United States of Europe, with a big central budget.
The federalists have always argued that European union would evolve gradually, with closer economic union creating both the need and the desire for closer political co-operation.
If Europe can hold it together with the Greece and PIIGS fiscal-train wreck, then Franco-German-Brussels EU federalists may get their FTT in the euro-zone or entire EU-wide.
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Anti-Federalists charged that the Constitution was so difficult to read that it amounted to a conspiracy against the understanding of a plain man, that it was willfully incomprehensible.
Federalists measure Europe's importance by the size of its budget.
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Soon afterwards, the case for replacing national vetoes with majority voting was made by federalists, who claimed, often wrongly, that the new members had rendered EU institutions unwieldy.
Until recently Mr Fischer was the hero of European federalists.
EU's powers may be modest compared with the federalists' wish-list, and countries retain a veto in over 40 policy areas, against some 153 provisions to be decided by majority vote.
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The Bill of Rights, drafted by James Madison in 1789, offered assurance to Anti-Federalists, who feared that there would be no limit to the powers of the newly constituted federal government.
Many Czechs relished their president's stand against the Euro-federalists.
Worse has been threatened: Raymond Villeneuve, the leader of the wildest anti-partitionists (and one who has been convicted of killing in his cause) has talked of a Molotov-cocktail campaign against zealous federalists.
European federalists know that the single currency zone will need at least a ten-fold increase in direct EU taxes (currently 1.28% of GDP) for there to be any prospect of European social stability.
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