This need not mean, as some of the CTBT's proponents now contend, an end to arms control.
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The CTBT then, as now, does not define what it purports to ban, which is nuclear-weapons testing.
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CTBT, this fundamental flaw, which is characteristic of global agreements, is greatly magnified.
Article 14 of the CTBT explicitly prevents the treaty's entry into force until it has been ratified by 44 specific nations.
The Clinton Administration has asked former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General John Shalikashvili to try to resurrect its CTBT.
If Democrats want to make the CTBT an election issue, let them.
Is the substantial opposition in the Senate to the CTBT rooted in politics, rather than in concerns about the Treaty's substantive defects?
This accord, known as the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), is such a priority for the anti-nuclear crowd for a simple reason.
Should the support of key U.S. allies for the CTBT be dispositive?
Concerns about the Clinton policies prompted a majority of the U.S. Senate to reject their cornerstone: the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT).
Shalikashvili's shopworn arguments that the CTBT has to be ratified by the Senate in order to slow the pace of global nuclear proliferation.
Mr. Obama also said, on behalf of the U.S., that "We will move forward with the ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty" (CTBT).
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There's a related theory, which is that the U.S. has to ratify the CTBT if it wants to have any credibility or leadership on nonproliferation.
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If the world can't or won't enforce the NPT there is no reason to believe it would be any more effective in enforcing the CTBT.
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The National Academy of Sciences will release a study that is expected to deem the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) verifiable and further underground testing unnecessary.
While the treaty has not entered into force, the world still uses the treaty's monitoring system (the CTBT Organizations International Monitoring System) to detect nuclear-weapons tests.
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Such a practice would avoid the situation in which the Senate found itself on the CTBT, namely a take-it-or-leave-it position, either rubber-stamp or reject the accord outright.
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The Clinton administration has announced its intention to launch a campaign to resuscitate the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) rejected last October by a majority of the Senate.
When the Administration has submitted these treaties, and when the Senate has completed its consideration of them, then, and only then, will the Foreign Relations Committee consider the CTBT.
And as recently as February 22, the national security advisor to now-President Bush, Condoleezza Rice, confirmed that the President and his administration did not believe the CTBT could be verified or effective in curbing proliferation.
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Another of the 44 nations -- India -- has sought to block the CTBT at every step: vetoing it in the Conference on Disarmament so that it could not be submitted as a Conference document.
Senator Cochran addressed the preposterous inaccuracy of claims that the Senate's rejection of the CTBT was animated by "neo-isolationism" and admonished the present Administration for failing to work with Congress while the Treaty was being negotiated.
CTBT, a readiness to halt the production of fissile materials for bomb-making, restraint in the numbers of warheads and missiles India will deploy, tightened export controls on sensitive technology, and improved relations between India and Pakistan.
The moratorium was one of a series of unilateral disarmament actions taken at that time, which included the 1993-94 legislation prohibiting design of low-yield nuclear weapons and the 1995-96 agreement on a Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT).
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But there's another defect in the CTBT.
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More than half the Senate voted against the CTBT, and if the ABM treaty were brought to a vote today, it too would fail to win a simple majority, let alone the 88 votes it garnered 27 years ago.
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT).
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For these reasons, even Senators with an unbroken record of support for arms control agreements like Senators Richard Lugar of Indiana, Olympia Snow of Maine and Ted Stevens of Alaska have declared this CTBT to be fatally flawed and announced their intention to reject the Treaty if the vote is held at this juncture.
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Importantly, when such a permanent prohibition on testing - in the form of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) - was submitted to the U.S. Senate for its advice and consent in 1999, the same considerations that underpinned President Reagan's position on testing were among those that caused a majority of Senators to reject the CTBT.
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