He later said, I think Governor Romney has said he would embrace the Bowles-Simpson plan.
As a first step, I hereby heartily endorse the framework laid out by the Bowles-Simpson Commission.
Some of the harshest critics to the Bowles-Simpson commission were Democrats -- Nancy Pelosi and others.
The Bowles-Simpson Commission warned that in three years, we will be where Greece is now.
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Something like the Bowles-Simpson compromise that nearly made it until hyper-partisan bickering sent it down.
Essentially, my differences with Bowles-Simpson were I actually proposed less revenue and slightly lower defense spending cuts.
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If you were paying attention during the presidential debates, this original Bowles-Simpson plan may sound vaguely familiar.
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One could follow Bowles-Simpson as a model, and tax deduction by deduction and make differences that way.
But Bowles-Simpson was a serious, honest, balanced effort between Democrats and Republicans to bring down the deficit.
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Of course, any forthcoming proposal from Bowles-Simpson faces the same hurdles as any other prospective tax reform: partisan politics.
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The bipartisan Bowles-Simpson commission proposed such a plan as did the Bipartisan Policy Center task force on which I served.
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But there were aspects of Bowles-Simpson that I said from very early on were not the approach I would take.
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Understand, however, that there were several key differences between the original Bowles-Simpson plan and the one posited by Mitt Romney.
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And when Bowles-Simpson was last put to a vote, a pathetic 38 congressmen voted for the measure despite the lip service.
He helped to scupper the bipartisan budget-balancing plan of the Bowles-Simpson commission, which would have raised revenue by eliminating tax loopholes.
That's why he appointed his fiscal commission last year, the Bowles-Simpson commission.
As I have argued here and elsewhere over the past two years, the Bowles-Simpson framework is a clear starting point for negotiation.
When the Bowles-Simpson commission suggested raising the retirement age to 69 in 2075, it was met with howls of outrage from unions in particular.
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The bipartisan Bowles-Simpson Commission recognized that fundamental change is needed in our tax system if we are to deal with the challenges confronting us.
The Bowles-Simpson committee, this is a committee that I set up to look at our current fiscal situation to see what could be done.
And so what I do is I bring down the tax rates, lower deductions and exemptions -- the same idea behind Bowles-Simpson, by the way.
Well, in a moment of temporary sanity, I recently had a bipartisan commission (called the Bowles-Simpson) think through a credible path towards reducing my debt problem.
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There is a lot of -- what is amazing to me, and this is really an inside-Washington kind of conversation about Simpson-Bowles, Bowles-Simpson and the fiscal commission.
That is the equivalent of all of the 10-year savings in Congressman Paul Ryan's budget, passed by the House in April, or in the Bowles-Simpson budget plan.
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This work itself tracks the work of the Bowles-Simpson Commission.
This is because Republican candidate Mitt Romney pitched a tax plan founded on the two pillars of the Bowles-Simpson proposal: lower rates and base broadening through the elimination of preferences.
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But a quick look back at the original Bowles-Simpson report can fill in the gaps, providing insight as to what tax proposals we can expect from the as-yet-to-be-released deficit reduction plan.
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The Republicans want to increase defense spending and take in no revenue, which makes it impossible to balance the deficit under the terms that Bowles-Simpson laid out -- unless you essentially eliminate discretionary spending.
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It has been detailed in bipartisan plans from the Bowles-Simpson commission to the Rivlin-Domenici commission to the Gang of Six and the outlines of the "grand bargain" that was almost achieved by President Obama and Boehner.
Governor Romney earlier mentioned the Bowles-Simpson commission.
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