The non-union auto industry is flourishing in the south in right-to-work states.
Almost no one believes that the U.S. auto industry can be competitive in its current state, but some members of Congress--as well as automakers in the United Auto Workers (UAW) union--say that a bankruptcy would drag an already ailing U.S. economy into further depths.
That Cerberus was able to garner support from the three unions represented on the DaimlerChrylser board -- the Canadian Auto Worker's Union, Germany's IG Metall, and the UAW -- is a marked achievement.
The foreigners like their plants nonunion--in fact, so do their auto workers--and they turn down the union in elections.
Earlier this year when Dallas-based Credit Union of Texas decided to pitch its auto-lease product to its members, it consulted its IBM data warehouse.
In 2009 the Obama Administration pushed through a brazenly political restructuring of bankrupt General Motors and Chrysler, and huge payoffs were made to the United Auto Workers, a pro-Obama union, at the expense of bondholders.
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Mr. Gettelfinger is right that the union has made major concessions to the car companies in recent years, and that states did spend tax dollars -- though probably not as much as the union contends -- to attract Japanese, German and Korean auto makers to build factories.
The United Auto Workers union already represents employees at several Flex-N-Gate factories, and is campaigning to organize others.
Ron Gettelfinger, the president of the United Auto Workers union, got his members to accept two-tier wages and big concessions on the health-care and retirement plans.
Following the death of the charismatic Reuther, the low-key Woodcock was immediately thrust into national contract negotiations with with the "Big Three" auto companies and led the union through a bitter 67-day nationwide strike against General Motors, longest ever.
New-car sales in the 27-member European Union are in the ditch, auto workers are fighting for their jobs and expectations of any relief this year have been wiped away like fingerprints on the glossy paint of the show's stars.
Ron Gettelfinger, the sole American employee representative on DaimlerChrysler's board, and the United Auto Workers union president, had also opposed selling Chrysler to a private-equity suitor because it could spell job losses.
Now, let there be no doubt, it will take an unprecedented effort on all our parts -- from the halls of Congress to the boardroom, from the union hall to the factory floor -- to see the auto industry through these difficult times.
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His popularity suffered late last year after he signed right-to-work legislation that weakened organized labor in the home of the United Auto Workers union.
The government plans to sell about one-fifth of its 61% stake in GM, and the United Auto Workers union, which owns about 10% through a health care trust for retired workers, also plans to unload some of its shares.
The Soviet Union evidently intends to export these products, presumably in competition with American auto-makers.
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Also, European auto manufacturers said Wednesday sales of their cars in the European Union were at a 17-year low, dropping by 8% in 2012.
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First, let's dismiss the laughable idea that the United Auto Workers union will recognize the problem and willingly cut the burdens, freeze the already-rich pensions and make workers contribute far more to pensions and retiree health care.
With auto labor negotations a few months away, it's suddenly make-nice-with-the-union time in Detroit.
But the main focus of attention is bound to be the United Auto Workers union, which is loathed not just by those Senate Republicans whose refusal to vote for a bail-out bill forced Mr Bush to act, but by many ordinary Americans in less well-paid, less secure employment.
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