Of course, there is a difference between Moscow and Delaware: the president of Russia is elected (even if the elections are of dubious honesty) while the administration of the University of Delaware is not.
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Medvedev, 46, is the third president of Russia since the fall of the USSR in 1991.
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It can reasonably be argued that they would feature just the sorts of behavior now taking place under the leadership of the man elected last weekend to become the new President of Russia, career KGB operative Vladimir Putin.
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He would also become the new president of United Russia, the most powerful political party in the country by a landslide.
Unfortunately, the Western media, which were so responsive to the promises and plans of the last general secretary, are reacting very cautiously to the structural transformations carried out by the democratically elected president of Russia, Boris Yeltsin, and the radically inclined economists in his government.
There may even be a discussion of the ominous behavior of the host, Russia 's President Vladimir Putin, as he inexorably eliminates the last vestiges of democracy and reestablishes central control over all facets of his country's economic and political life.
As the most powerful people in the world (the leaders of the seven big industrial democracies plus Russia, together with the president of the European Commission), they promise every summer to tackle some of its worst troubles: poverty, disease, warfare, crime and pollution, to name but a few.
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In 1991, Boris Yeltsin was sworn in as the first elected President of Russia, sealing communism's fate.
In return, Medvedev will take the helm as president of United Russia, and will likely be gifted with the title of Prime Minister if Putin gets his old job back.
He then played a role in Mr Putin's rise in the late-1990s, before the new president moved to curb the political ambitions of Russia's oligarchs.
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While relations between Russia and North Korea soured at the end of the Cold War, Russia's President, Vladimir Putin, has met the reclusive Mr Kim three times more than any other world leader.
This East Asia Summit will have a particular significance, coming for the first time with the President of the United States there and of course Russia represented around the table, so all of the players with the right mandate to discuss strategic, political and economic questions for our region.
Pavel Khodorkovsky, the son of jailed Russian oil tycoon Mikhail Khodorkovsky and president of the U.S.-based Institute of Modern Russia, also wrote an open letter to those at the World Economic Forum in which he highlighted the plight of his father.
The Oslo Freedom Forum was co-chaired by Poland's ex-president, Lech Walesa, and anti-Soviet gadflys like Vladimir Bukovsky and Garry Kasparov featured prominently to the confusion of Russia's president, Dmitry Medvedev, who was staying in the same hotel.
Academic support for Obama was remarkably lock-step: a remarkable 96% of all donations from the Ivy League went to the president, something more reminiscent of Soviet Russia than a properly functioning pluralistic academy.
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In Helsinki, the president will outline the possibilities of such a partnership for Russia, and for NATO.
After Finland's foreign minister, accompanied by fuming Russian officials, paid a quick visit to Ingushetia on behalf of the European Union (of which Finland is the current president), she denounced what Russia was doing.
Whereas America had a finely tuned system of government that was more than capable of carrying a forgetful president in the right direction, Russia has nothing of the sort.
Also along for the stroll: President Boris Yeltsin of Russia, who was making his second state visit to China.
His repeated absence from Moscow in the midst of the crisis, his allusions to concerns about continuity of government and nuclear weapons control, his increasingly stiff and slow-moving physical appearance all raise questions about the prospects for the president's continued rule of Russia.
It has failed to act, the Security Council, because of vetoes by Russia and China in response to the heinous actions of President Assad in Syria.
Ramzan Kadyrov, the current President of Republic of Chechnya in southern Russia, decried "any attempt" to connect the brothers with Chechnya in a statement Friday night.
In fact, it seems likely that these or similarly ill-advised concessions have already been made to the opponents of real structural reform in Russia via the deals President Yeltsin has had to strike with the military, KGB and internal security forces.
In fact, it seems likely that these -- or similarly ill-advised -- concessions have already been made to the opponents of real structural reform in Russia via the deals President Yeltsin has had to strike with the military, KGB and internal security forces.
Back on Syria, both the President and Prime Minister Cameron made a point of emphasizing both the Russia and China aspect of all this.
Putin became acting president of Russia, the world has barely begun getting to know him.
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And what we have seen since the President came into office is the building of an international consensus that includes Russia and China in opposition to these actions.
European election monitors called into question a weekend victory by the party of Russia's President Vladimir Putin that would pave the way for him to remain the country's de facto leader even after he leaves office in the spring.
The persistent economic problems that led to the 1998 rubel crisis, its strong authoritarian tradition and the lack of a new generation of democratic leaders led to the election of a former KGB officer, Vladimir Putin, as president of Russia in 1999.
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As Muscovites choked in toxic smog and morgues struggled to cope with a doubling of the death rate, Russia's president attempted to redirect public anger towards local officials, long stripped of independent power by the Kremlin.
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