Ukraine nearly botched its agreement with the IMF partly because some members of Mr Yushchenko's Our Ukraine block refused to vote for fiscal cuts.
But it was her decision to join, temporarily, with the pro-Russian Party of the Regions, led by Viktor Yanukovich, so as to push through legislation diluting presidential authority, that incensed Mr Yushchenko, who promptly pulled his own Our Ukraine party out of its coalition with the Tymoshenko block.
As mentioned above, Russia gets to be treated like a superpower again while it arms Iran, inserts bombers and naval units into our hemisphere, wields its energy leverage against our friends in Europe, Ukraine and Georgia and squeezes our supply lines into Afghanisan.
We must expand our work with Russia, Ukraine and the other former Soviet nations to safeguard nuclear materials and technology so they never fall into the wrong hands.
Who cared if our secondhand car had a death rattle and our AAA card was useless in Ukraine?
Some countries became a part of our lexicon more quickly than others (Ukraine and Georgia, for example).
It isn't even just a matter of losing our leverage over large strategic swaths of the globe: Russia in Ukraine will mean a pressure-lock on the Black Sea, on Georgia, Azerbaija and Turkey, which will ultimately furnish Moscow with a choke-hold on fuel supplies to Europe and a geostrategic veto on our Iran policy.
Given the ongoing turmoil in Ukraine, the Balkans and Kashmir can we afford to do anything that might reduce our presence or influence there?
These Times Square visitors from Ukraine, Slovenia, Ecuador, Brazil, China, have been democratized, in part, by our icons of consumerism.
Our results, using data on nearly every manufacturing firm in four economies (Hungary, Romania, Russia and Ukraine), suggest that the employment impact of privatisation is usually positive, and where it is negative the magnitudes are small and statistically insignificant.
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