The usual argument for China's inclusion is simple: If Moscow is a member, why not Beijing?
For the American public those distinctions are of little interest - but not for Beijing.
As I often tell foreign audiences, China is not just Beijing, Shanghai and a handful of major international cities.
And Republican lawmakers have pressured Mr. Kerry and the White House to not let Beijing slide on the North Korea issue.
The cybersecurity experts who say they discovered GhostNet said China was a player in the field, but did not blame Beijing for the attacks.
China has too much of most everything these days, but that has not stopped Beijing from proceeding with even more construction and the lending to make it happen.
Not that Beijing's policy towards dissent or Tibet changed much.
If the United States were to end its special treatment of Hong Kong in some important areas - such as air services, customs treatment, immigration quotas, visa issuance, export controls - the principal pain would be felt in Hong Kong, however, not in Beijing.
That may not be in Beijing's interest, as it has a veto in the latter but would not in the former.
And, the best investments for tech companies might not be in Beijing and Shanghai.
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We do not expect that Beijing is going to produce a climate change agreement.
Tung will not openly confront Beijing in such a manner, as he knows it is often counter-productive.
But Mr Chen, a former lawyer with a populist touch, took care not to antagonise Beijing during the election.
Perhaps we should not single out Beijing, because Moscow has expressed its staunch opposition to sanctions on Iran, too.
Whether Huntsman runs or not, will Beijing now view and treat him differently for the remainder of his tenure as ambassador?
But old Communist ties die hard, not to mention Beijing's fear of U.S. forces being positioned just south of the Yalu River.
Manufacturing in China should help GM bring down the cost of its cars, not least because Beijing imposes a steep duty imports of luxury vehicles.
Taipei, however, has been careful not to ruffle Beijing's sensitivities.
But he still does not have a Beijing hukou.
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If that were the case, they would have a very hard time preventing an Occupy Wall Street type movement not only in Beijing and Shanghai, but how about all of Eastern China?
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The Gulf is left holding the incremental oil baby, with Washington and Beijing not merely unwilling to underwrite security arrangements, but inadvertently working towards an oil market based on volumes, not price.
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Not only did Beijing feel Vietnam was acting ungratefully after all the assistance it had received during its war against the U.S., but in 1978 Hanoi had begun expelling Vietnamese of Chinese descent.
Seven men and two women were flown home Tuesday via China despite a request from South Korea that Beijing not repatriate them, the Chosun Ilbo daily newspaper in Seoul reported Thursday, citing unidentified South Korean government officials.
Not always does Beijing want Western ownership in its realm--it is part of a seemingly rising tide of resistance to private equity deals globally--but it is also throwing the weight of its reserves around in foreign equities, adding to apprehensions.
Beijing has not closed down the breeding businesses and reacts only when there is negative publicity.
Moreover, Beijing does not wish to jeopardize its investments in the Iranian energy sector.
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